by Dr. Robert Zuber, Global Action to Prevent War
One of the issues that will come up
in the course of discussions on a final outcome document for the UN Programme
of Action (PoA) Review Conference has to do with the role that might be played
by Meetings of Government Experts (MGE). Many PoA delegates will recall the MGE
last year which was presided over quite successfully by Ambassdor McLay of New
Zealand. That meeting was one of the more satisfying in my years of experience
with disarmament-related events, in part because of its focused discussion, and
in part because of the skillful way in which Amb. McLay handled the room. He
seemed determined to make the best possible use of the allotted time and
vigorously encouraged delegate participation in all aspects of the program.
Based on that experience, the New
Zealand delegation has floated a proposal to identify and build support for a
preferred pattern of meetings that can both “chart a clear path” for the PoA
process moving forward and build technical and political capacity for enhanced
implementation. The New Zealand statement statement on this subject respectfully
affirmed the need for MGEs as an important means to enhance prospects for
“practical implementation”. The delegation then listed several technical
concerns to be taken up by an experts group, including enhanced management of
SALW stockpiles, national frameworks to address illicit brokering and
strengthen the capacity and effectiveness of customs and law enforcement
agencies, and designing national action plans for implementing the PoA with the
support of diverse stakeholders.
It seems to Global Action to Prevent
War and Armed Conflict (GAPW) that a schedule leading up to 2018 characterized
by two MGE-style meetings, one in the context of a larger Biennial Meeting of
States (BMS) (as seem to be inferred by the revised
"implementation" paper provided by the Chair), is the best
strategy for building momentum on implementation and preparing for a successful
Review Conference in six year's time. Regardless of the structure of meetings
finally endorsed in the outcome document for this PoA, there will be gaps in
attention to implementation by the international community that will need to be
filled. However, we believe that the UN Office for Disarmament Affairs regional
offices; a revitalized GIS process with a renewed commitment to “matching needs
and resources,” focused First Committee meetings, and regional engagements by
NGOs and other stakeholders are together more than sufficient to address those
gaps and ensure a robust pattern of work leading to productive expert and
plenary meetings.
We are convinced that the PoA
process would be enhanced by more focused attention on the technical obstacles
that impact the flow and impact of national and regional implementation
efforts. There is certainly a need to revitalize political will and capacity
assistance in that context, but a plan featuring alternate BMS and RevCon
meetings as well as the ongoing work of the First Committee and other key
stakeholders should be sufficient to keep governments and other stakeholders
motivated and engaged.
One issue that will inevitably come
up in suggesting a format with an expanded role for MGEs has to do with the
role of NGOs. The context for this issue, of course, is that most of the NGOs
who gather for events such as the RevCon have greater depth of policy awareness
than the specific technical expertise needed to contribute significantly to the
resolution of most of the issues raised in the New Zealand
statement. Also, there are some states that prefer at times to hold
discussions without NGOs in the room when involving experts from capitals, and
that prerogative should be respected.
Nevertheless, it would be more than
appropriate for states to designate NGOs on their expert teams for MGEs, in the
same way that some delegations have done at this RevCon and for the ATT
negotiations. And, depending on the sites designated for MGEs, it might also be
wise to enlist regional or international NGOs whose job would be to monitor
meetings and share summaries of key findings with diverse stakeholders and
constituencies. There are pathways for negotiating the participation of advocates
without distracting from attention to complex technical tasks.
In the end, our most important task
as a PoA-related community is to enhance prospects for effective implementation
of PoA objectives. A rational, predictable schedule of meetings that alternately
prioritizes and then binds again the political and technical aspects of PoA
implementation, seems to us to be both hopeful and viable. We urge diplomats at
this PoA to affirm a "clear path" of meetings that wisely balances
and integrates political and technical concerns and that finds the most
appropriate spaces for meaningful stakeholder engagement.
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